John
Nichols on March 26, 2012 - 12:18 PM ET
Wisconsin
is a rod-and-gun state, with a hunting history that has fostered traditions of
broad gun ownership and respect for the right to bear arms.
So
how did Wisconsin get saddled with a “Castle Doctrine” law that mirrors
some of the worst aspects of the Florida legislation that's now at the center
of the controversy over the killing of 17-year-old Trayvon Martin.
Not
because sportsmen and women, law enforcement officers, legal scholars or
grassroots citizens decided Wisconsin should borrow bad ideas from distant
states.
Wisconsin
has a "Castle Doctrine" law because the American
Legislative Exchange Council, the corporate-funded group that aligns
special-interest organizations and corporate donors with pliable legislators,
made the Florida law "model legislation." Then ALEC-aligned political
insiders such as Assembly Majority Leader Scott Suder, a national ALEC task-force
member, and Governor Scott Walker, an ALEC alumnus,
introduced, passed and signed “Castle Doctrine” legislation—despite warnings
from Wisconsin law enforcement leaders and responsible gun owners that it was a
poor fit for the state.
How
poor a fit became evident last week, when the district attorney in Wisconsin's
Washington County announced that he would not pursue a serious inquiry
into the death of Bo Morrison, a 20-year-old
Wisconsinite who was shot and killed in the village of Slinger. Morrison, who
had been at an underage drinking party that was broken up by the police, was
one of a number of young people who ran and hid in the surrounding
neighborhood. He was hiding on the porch of an adjacent home when the
homeowner—who knew police were in the area—shot him in the chest. The DA
determined that the homeowner was protected from prosecution by
the state's new "Castle Doctrine."
The Wisconsin case is complicated, and no
one has suggested that Morrison was a perfect player. But he was unarmed. And
there is no evidence that he physically or verbally threatened the shooter. For
that reason, the decision of the DA , and the narrowing of options for a proper
investigation by the "Castle Doctrine," has provoked outrage from
citizens and some legislators. State Representative Chris Taylor, a Madison
Democrat and a lawyer who was outspoken in her opposition to the measure last
year, now says: “It is heartbreaking that the legislature allowed this
reckless law to go forward and now a young man is dead,” concluded Taylor. “This law encourages
people to resort to vigilantism and use deadly force instead of calling the
police. This is a barbaric law that must be immediately repealed.”
But
how did the legislature enact a measure that is so out-of-synch with the state's traditionally well reasoned approach to
gun rights, self-defense protections and the rule of law?
Wisconsin
circumstance is like that of many states that find themselves with laws that
owe more to the heavy hand of the
American Legislative Exchange Council—and the determined lobbying of
the National Rifle Association—than to realities on the ground of the concerns
of citizens.
The
genesis for the Wisconsin law Wisconsin was a 2005 Florida law, which provided
immunity to individuals who use deadly force against unarmed persons whom they
imagine to be threatening. The Wisconsin law provides that immunity for
shootings that take place on or around dwellings, businesses and vehicles,
while the Florida law includes broader "stand your ground" language
that protects shootings in public spaces. But the distinction is slimmer than
it seems, as Wisconsin statutes extend the definition of a
"dwelling" out to porches, fence lines and sidewalks.
Florida's
law was sponsored by Republican legislators who were ALEC members. They dismissed explicit
and repeated warnings that this measure would encourage shootings like that of
Trayvon Martin. The same went for Florida Governor Jeb Bush, who signed the
measure and declared it a “common sense” reform.
While
the ink was still drying on the Florida law, ALEC moved to take it nationwide.
Working with NRA lobbyists and representatives of big retailers that profit
from gun sales, ALEC's "Criminal Justice Task Force"(now the "Public Safety and Elections Task
Force") developed "Castle Doctrine" model legislation for
promotion in other states.
For
the most part, ALEC’s model legislation is designed
to ease taxes and regulations for corporations, while weakening unions and
undermining tort laws. But the shadowy Koch brothers–funded network—which
brings together state legislators who cannot think for themselves with
corporate interests and pressure groups that are more than happy to think for
then—dabbles in electoral and public safety issues.
That's
what happened seven years ago, when ALEC's
members approved model legislation that mirrored the Florida
law’s assertion that a gunman can use "deadly force if he or she
reasonably believes it is necessary."
ALEC-aligned
lawmakers in states across the country began promoting the model
legislation—sometimes in mirror form, sometimes with modest
alterations—advanced. After Republicans gained complete control of state
legislatures in states such as Wisconsin after the 2010 elections, the process
accelerated. According to the Center for Media and Democracy, which
organized the ALEC Exposed project, “Since becoming an ALEC model, sixteen
states have passed laws that contain provisions identical or similar to
(Florida's law)."
ALEC
even highlighted the fight on its "legislative scorecard”—giving states
extra credit for passing it. Wisconsin did so last fall, when Assembly Majority
Leader Suder and Senate Majority Leader Scott Fitzgerald moved a "Castle
Doctrine" bill to the top of the legislative agenda.
Suder
and Fitzgerald, of course, deny they are ALEC automatons. But Suder has for a number of years been a
member of the ALEC Public Safety and Elections Task Force that taken the lead
in promoting the "Castle Doctrine" model legislation. He has also
served as ALEC's legislative chairman for Wisconsin. Fitzgerald has
been a regular as national ALEC events and went out of his way as he assumed
the majority leader position to talk up his enthusiasm for legislative
initiatives he learned about at the group's post-2010 election conference in
Washington.
Suder,
Fitzgerald and Walker advanced the ALEC model legislation in Wisconsin even
though the state a strong tradition of respecting "self-defense" claims
in shooting cases, and even though the State Bar of Wisconsin's Criminal Law
Section argued that new legislation was unnecessary to protect homeowners from
unfair prosecutions. Indeed, Marquette Law School Professor Gregory O’Meara, a
former chairman of the Criminal Law Section, warned with regard to the
"Castle Doctrine" proposal that: “It could actually give a
presumption in favor of a murderer."
What
happens when legislators pass laws without considering their consequences—or
the unique circumstances of the state in which they are being passed? The Florida Department of Law Enforcement
suggests that killings that have gotten a "justifiable homicide" pass
have tripled since Jeb Bush signed that state's law. And as Representative
Taylor noted after the Washington County prosecutor deferred to the
"Castle Doctrine" in the Slinger, Wisconsin, case, “Now a young
man, like in Florida, has been killed, and a family mourns the loss of a son.
What a senseless tragedy.”
Florida
may have been the pioneer. But thanks to the American Legislative Exchange
Council, it is now just one of many states, including Wisconsin, that have
enacted variations on the "Castle Doctrine." These laws are not
products of the political or legislative processes of sovereign American
states, nor are they smart extensions of necessary protections for gun
ownership. They are one-size-fits-all legislative "fixes" for
problems that never existed—imposed upon states that now must deal with the
messes that ALEC creates.
Related Topics: Trayvon
Martin | Guns and Gun Control | Conservatives and the American Right
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